Arkansas Will Soon Hold Back Kids Who Can’t Read. But That Alone Is Not Enough

As the school year moves forward, state legislators around the country are increasingly talking about holding students back. In Utah, the governor wants to retain third-grade students who are not reading on grade level. Legislators in Oklahoma are exploring retaining students as early as first grade. These states and others are looking to replicate the […]

Arkansas Will Soon Hold Back Kids Who Can’t Read. But That Alone Is Not Enough

As the school year moves forward, state legislators around the country are increasingly talking about holding students back. In Utah, the governor wants to retain third-grade students who are not reading on grade level. Legislators in Oklahoma are exploring retaining students as early as first grade. These states and others are looking to replicate the policies — and the success — of Mississippi, where retention played a role in fourth-grade reading achievement on the National Assessment of Educational Progress increasing from 49th in 2013 to seventh in 2024. 

My own state, Arkansas, is preparing to implement a key piece of its 2024 Right to Read Act, which is modeled after legislation in Mississippi. This summer will be the first in Arkansas when third-graders will be retained if they are not reading proficiently. As expected, parents and educators are on edge and questions abound. The prospect of thousands of students being held back is generating lots of attention and anxiety. 


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But as Arkansas moves to implement its version of the Mississippi law and other states look to emulate it, policymakers would be wise to consider what the research says about retention. In short, like everything else in education, there is no panacea for increasing student learning. Retention in and of itself is not going to singlehandedly raise literacy rates. The key to success in Mississippi was the supports the state provided before and after students were retained. 

Mississippi’s Literacy-Based Promotion Act, passed in 2013, was a comprehensive K-3 reform law designed to ensure that all third graders read on grade level. Core elements included intensive professional development aligned with the science of reading, early identification of struggling readers, targeted intervention beginning well before grade three, deployment of state-funded literacy coaches and the retention of a small share of third graders who did not meet the reading benchmark.

As science of reading reforms expand nationwide and districts work to address pandemic-related learning losses, third-grade retention policies have become more common. As of 2024, 13 states and the District of Columbia have laws requiring promotion based on reading proficiency, and 13 additional states allow districts to retain students for this reason. Importantly, these laws typically are more generous in allowing exemptions than previous versions.

But while exemptions are often well-intentioned, evidence suggests that, when broadly used, they can undermine policy effectiveness. Exemptions tend to reduce participation among the students who may benefit most from intensive intervention, including English learners who could benefit from extra help. The primary benefit of promotion-linked literacy policies is early detection paired with substantial supports, such as additional instruction, tutoring and coaching, before students reach third grade. So when exemptions are granted, they must be coupled with the same level of structured intervention Mississippi requires through individualized reading plans and intensive instruction.

Evidence from Mississippi helps clarify why retention alone is not the driver of literacy gains. In the first year of implementation, roughly 15% of the state’s third graders who scored below the promotion cutoff in the 2014-15 school year were retained, and among students just below the threshold, fewer than 10% were held back. Yet fourth-grade scores began improving almost immediately, from 2013 to 2024, making Mississippi those children first in the nation for reading and math gains during that time — well before retention could plausibly affect outcomes at scale. This timing strongly suggests that the gains were driven primarily by early identification, targeted intervention and intensive instructional support rather than by retention itself.

Importantly, Mississippi paired promotion decisions — whether retention or exemption — with structured, mandatory resources. Even students promoted via exemptions were required to have individualized reading plans, summer literacy programs and ongoing intervention. Survey and administrative evidence suggest that these promoted-but-still-supported students made meaningful reading gains, underscoring that the policy’s effectiveness hinged on the intensity of services, not simply on whether students were retained.

Evidence from other states reinforces this point. In Florida, where third-grade retention has been studied extensively, retained students who got supplemental reading support outperformed exempted peers who did not two years later. This suggests that exemptions, when not paired with intensive intervention, can dilute policy effectiveness by allowing struggling readers to advance.

Survey evidence suggests that literacy gains were driven in part by the supplemental assistance provided to low-achieving students who were promoted via exemptions. By contrast, evidence from Florida shows that retained students outperformed exempted students in reading two years later, indicating that exemptions were not consistently granted to those who would benefit most from promotion.

As Arkansas moves toward implementation, it would do well to consider not just Mississippi’s experience, but also Indiana’s, which saw the rubber meet on the road on retention more recently. About 3,000 Indiana students are repeating third grade after failing the state test or qualifying for an exemption. State leaders had expected to retain more, but passing rates on the reading assessment jumped nearly 5 points last school year, to just over 87%. Officials said the progress stemmed in part from the expansion of a statewide program, the Indiana Literacy Cadre, that focuses educators’ attention on research-based instructional methods. Participation increased from 41 schools in 2022 to more than 550 in 2025, and schools in the Literacy Cadre saw a 7-point increase in passing rates, compared with gains of 3.6 points at other schools. 

Arkansas can hope for similar outcomes of this year’s state tests. There is cause for optimism – when it comes to not just retention but the resources that come before these critical decisions, Arkansas’s reading law is more expansive and students have access to more assistance both at school and home (through a $1,500 grant to families for literacy tutoring). Secretary Jacob Oliva, who leads the state Department of Education released additional guidance to schools in January to ensure families are aware of their students’ standing and students are receiving ample supports both before and after the testing window. 

Across studies, the evidence is consistent: retention mandates alone do not drive literacy gains in isolation. Improvements occur only when retention is part of a broader, well-resourced strategy that intervenes early and intensively. Mississippi’s experience demonstrates that it is the comprehensive series of interventions—  not the act of holding students back — that produces lasting improvement.

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